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    Home » Blog » ‘Pro-family’ rhetoric and its fascist resonances…

    ‘Pro-family’ rhetoric and its fascist resonances…

    June 12, 2024Updated:June 12, 2024 US News No Comments
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    Alabama’s Republican US Senator Katie Britt. Photo by Anna Moneymaker / Getty Images

    Katie Britt delivered the standard GOP answer from her home desk following Joe Biden‘s most new State of the Union address in March. Britt introduced herself as the US senator from Alabama, next clarified:” That’s not the work that counts most. I am a happy woman and mother of two children in school. She made a strong appeal to the kids out there, and particularly to my other mothers, many of whom I know may be turning and turning at 2am and wondering how you’re going to get in three sites at once and then somehow manage to get dinner on the table. She brought up the kitchen table more than once (” It’s where we laugh together, and it’s where we hold each other’s hands and pray for God’s guidance” ). Children, house, religion: these were the bases of Britt’s conversation. They were even, according to Nazi philosophy, the main principles of women’s lives: nicer, küche, components.

    Across much of the developed earth, anxiety is spreading about low birth rates, and personal- identified “pro- natalists” are advocating for women to have more babies to block people decline. If we do n’t boost births, they argue, economies will suffer. Some assert that cultures will experience as well, which is why people Chicken Littles often propose liberal immigration laws. Right-wing organizations are focusing their efforts on contraception and fertility treatments at the same time as conservative states in the US are strongly limiting or banning abortion.

    The goal is clear: force people to have children, whether they want to or not. It is a contemporary translation of what was abominably obvious during the Nazi time: leaders who believe in the necessity of subjugating women in order to realize that ideal.

    In Hitler’s Germany, parents were discouraged from entering the workforce, and were even paid to stay at home with their children. This was, of training, spun as pro- home. But in truth, it was about incentivising light, culturally German women to propagate, and keeping them from gaining too much freedom. The Nazi celebration, as a general rule, did not put people in business or in positions of responsibility. People were fully barred from some professions. The idea of the freed woman and feminist ideologies were promoted. Contraception, and also information about pregnancy, was banned.

    People had clear roles and responsibilities, too: they were to be restored to their touted position as community leaders. They earned the food and offered security. Nazism firmly ties itself to standard manhood, placing power almost entirely in the hands of men, and elevating a innovator who sought to transmit not just strength but overall dominance, frequently through cruel cruelty.

    Similar trends can become observed in the other totalitarian poor people of the 1930s and 1940s, Spain’s Franco and Italy’s Mussolini. In Spain,” Patria” ( homeland ) and the patriarchal family were emphasised as the organising mechanisms for both nation and home, and tied to the Catholic Church. Government initiatives sought to empower women into fulfilling roles as wives and mothers. And they frequently obstruct the definitions of sexism and children’s respect. As José Antonio Primo de Rivera, a Spanish totalitarian legislator, put it,” Real feminism does not include women wanting roles which today are deemed excellent, but should instead surround women’s roles with significantly greater human and societal dignity”.

    In Italy, fascism came with ideals of virility, pro- natalism and anti- feminism. One of Benito Mussolini’s pithy lines was:” War is to man what maternity is to a woman” – in other words, each sex has its natural role, a man’s is aggression while a woman’s is reproduction. Sharing information about either was also prohibited, and abortion was outlawed and contraception access was limited.

    Perhaps this is familiar to American political observers. In the US, gender equality is a partisan issue. Women are underrepresented in the halls of power, but the GOP’s gender balance is particularly skewed. The Republican Party‘s leader and presidential candidate rely on fascist and authoritarian language, boasts of his masculine virility, and plans to deport millions of undocumented immigrants before setting them in camps before doing so. The Republican Party‘s efforts to revoke women’s reproductive rights, including those that allow them to prevent and terminate pregnancy, as well as the ability to use modern technology to create new ones, are intertwined with Britt’s vision of a traditional family in a conservative culture. People who wring their hands about the declining white birth rate, who claim that it was a bad idea to grant women the right to vote, and who support today’s Republican Party, are stocked with and supported by those who claim that no-fault divorces should be ended. Who advocate that mothers should work from home and not in the paid workforce, and that birthright citizenship should be abolished so that only a select few can be granted American citizenship. Politicians from the GOP have attempted to outlaw speech and sharing information about abortion.

    Authoritarian ideologies are not just left-wing. However, right-wing authoritarianism has hardly ever existed without traditional gender roles to support, facilitate, and sustain it. The ideal woman serves as the dominant patriarch and the ideal man serves as the ideal man as the ideal man. This is a model that authoritarian regimes follow in terms of law and governance. It is a very old model. And it is one that men seemingly never stop resurrected in search of total power.

    ]See also: Donald Trump, guilty but not out ]

    Topics in this article: Donald Trump, Gender, Gender equality, Magazine, Republicans, Society, United States, Women

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