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    Home » Blog » What the Russia-North Korea security agreement actually means

    What the Russia-North Korea security agreement actually means

    June 19, 2024Updated:June 19, 2024 Politics No Comments
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    Vladimir Putin, the president of Russia, and Kim Jong Un, the dictator, met in North Korea on Wednesday to sign a participation deal. The North Vietnamese head threw out the red carpet for Putin, assembling thousands of children, dancing, and soldiers to feast him with an extravagant festival. Pomp off, however, the two frontrunners each had one particular goal.

    Putin wants North Korea’s increased supply of ammunition, arms, and likely even North Korean men for use in his battle against Ukraine. He requires this assistance as Russian deaths keep rising and Russian forces continue to use a lot of weapons. On the other hand, Kim wants Russia’s increased professional experience to advance his nuclear weapon program. He wants to be able to demonstrate that the United States is in danger of a nuclear attack. Kim believes that this would give his plan steadiness and give him more control over the United States and South Korea via the slip of a nuclear genocide.

    More widely, Kim and Putin want to keep the U. S. off harmony. In order to facilitate common assistance in the event of an anger against one of the parties to this agreement, Putin said that’s why part of their cooperation agreement “provides for the delivery of common help.” Some people are concerned about North Korea and Russia‘s agreement on a joint security plan, which would allow for a U.S. Russia war to adopt any upcoming U.S. military attacks on North Korea’s nuclear or ballistic missile system.

    These worries are misplaced. For one, “provides for the delivery” is definitely not the same thing as a convention commitment to provide protective support. Interestingly, there is no way for Putin to take the risk of waging a catastrophic war against the United States based on the personality of a reticent North Korean dictator. Putin’s caution may be especially crucial because of the stringent nuclear weapons factor that underpins U.S. and North Vietnamese conflicts. He is aware that the United States does use nuclear arms against North Korea if it uses them. Because he is aware that it might turn Russia into a large radioactive scrap yard, he does n’t want to be a part of that party.

    Bottom line: Putin is no moron. He is aware that any potential advantages may far outweigh the risks of a Russian interference in North Korea’s favour. He is aware of the military fight that North Korea and South Korea could not resolve. He is aware that his military’s ability to drastically change North Korea’s power balance is unknown. And he is aware that he would expose his forces to catastrophic losses if Russia did so, even in a limited capacity, and even if the war did not end nuclear. The Russian Pacific Fleet, for instance, a beloved level of satisfaction for Putin and Russia, is only 81 miles from North Korea’s northern frontier. It would be annihilated in the event of a Russian action.

    That said, in providing this deal to Kim, Putin secured three social win. First, he assures Kim of his appreciation for what the dictator may do both domestically and abroad as a demonstration of his top political prowess. Putin did probably gain Kim’s increased willingness to support Russia’s counterinsurgency in return.

    Next, Putin bolsters China‘s effort to undermine U. S. relationships and control building in the Pacific. Putin has given China innovative ways to suggest that it has a growing power base in order to deter U.S. military action in Taiwan or divert U.S. forces, while strengthening the Russia-North Korea relationship. This is a growing U. S. problem.

    WASHINGTON EXAMINER CLICK HERE TO ACCESS MORE INFORMATION

    Third, Putin may expect that this agreement may fear the West. He will present this arrangement as evidence that the growing American support for Ukraine is raising the risk of a new world war. Putin hopes that as the U.S. presidential election approaches and the recent elections in Europe bring more value to this advertising tale. A lessening European public taste to support Ukraine is Putin’s main concern in this regard.

    However, this is not a kind of joint security agreement that forms the basis for NATO‘s Article Five or the United States-Presidential Treaty. It is a Putin strategy that concentrates most on the conflict in Ukraine.

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