The Ousting Of Biden Was A Textbook Coup D’état

With Armas ‘ authority, the second has been republished.

The&nbsp, revolution d ‘état&nbsp, against President Biden illuminates the elements exposited in&nbsp, the writing on Sen. J. D. Vance’s idea and speech, to which I refer the reader. &nbsp, Coup&nbsp, wording in this case is no overwrought: a sitting president of the United States has had his political potential terminated, which means his political provide is ended as well. Absent possible there is no electricity, and consequently no goal. Thus, his administration should come to an end as soon as possible. &nbsp,

By the bye, &nbsp, this is Vance’s view&nbsp, when effectively.

The Managerial Husk&nbsp,

The executive theory holds that due to the nature of the company, the resigned president may continue serving as president and be fully vested with its prerogatives. This is obviously completely fictional: Joseph R. Biden lost the ability to accomplish almost every important task of the president, including achieving true assistance with the legislative branch, persuading the country to go to war, and ensuring the representative of the entire American people in government. What’s left is a headless equipment, dominated but never led — ruled but never controlled —&nbsp, by the hundreds of officials of the administrative status. It is a Deist facsimile of authorities, the clockmaker having wound the system, which will then increasingly bug forward unfocused. But watches break, God retains engaged independence, and the British system requires a president. &nbsp,

The&nbsp, putschists&nbsp, who prevailed against President Biden so err hard in their assumptions, chief among them the idea that the company, not the person, is the singular point conferring meaning and so power. This is an easily arrived-at problem in the fantasyland of propositional education, which replaces individuals with concepts, and in fact&nbsp, expects the people to conform to the idea: a coerced return to the pre-political position. But the truth is that a country, opposed to propositionalism’s key thesis, is both man&nbsp, and&nbsp, laws, both persons&nbsp, and&nbsp, types. Likewise, the man and the man are the most important components. A presidential candidate’s president in the army, which was at the time of the American Revolution, wrote to the First Brigade of the Third Division of the Militia of Massachusetts in 1798, explaining that “our Constitution was solely intended for a moral and religious Individuals.” It is completely insufficient for any other country’s state. After all, solemn affirmations of fundamental rights are found in the provisions and laws of practically every authoritarian community.

The existence of the “moral and spiritual People”, to be sure, requires the pretty wholeness, unity, and shared story that propositionalism deliberately overrides. &nbsp,

The Dead Collectivity

Stripped of intent, the president — the only business and individual representing the whole of the American people in the Constitutional order —&nbsp, no more participates in, and certainly does not serve, the Aristotelian&nbsp, telos&nbsp, of the nation. The government is not just a collection of individuals in a spot; it is also “being for the sake of commendable actions.” The leader is now completely neutered in this regard, incapable of neither nobles nor actions, and for the same reason the nation he purportedly controls is. Simone Weil ‘s&nbsp, L’Enracinement, written in 1943 but published posthumously in 1949, speaks of the nation — a” collectivity” in the words of her translator — as existing to provide “food for souls”, each possessing” no equivalent anywhere in the entire universe”, existing as” the sole repository for the spiritual treasures amassed by the dead … the vehicle through which the dead can speak to the living”. Weil’s story demonstrates that the country has power and Aristotle purpose because of its uniqueness, its particular population, and its history, which is likely the first time an Ohio senator and a midcentury Flemish Christian mystic have been accused of agreeing on ontology. &nbsp,

Weil also speaks of malign nations, which, “instead of serving food, consume souls”, or “provide insufficient food”, by which she means failure to provide the cohesion and purpose that a nation ought. ” And lastly”, she writes,” there are dead collectivities that do not devour souls but neither do they nourish them. If it is quite certain that they are dead and not a matter of a temporary fatigue, only then should they be annihilated” .&nbsp,

This, the ranks of dead collectivities, is where the United States finds itself under the present regime. The&nbsp, coup d ‘état&nbsp, of July 21st is merely a dramatic symptom. Note the artifice of it all, shot through with the cant and strictures of propositionalism. We could list the details in greater detail, starting with the swift coordination of the involved elites, each working toward the fiction of an independent author’s fiction, to the overthrow of the tens of millions of primary voters ‘ expressed will. &nbsp, That&nbsp, process now lies exposed not as mass democracy, but as mass theater. One of the minor historical ironies here is that when Joe Biden first assumed elected office — a moment in time closer to the existence of a Habsburg Emperor than to now —&nbsp, the American presidential-selection system was undergoing a convulsive change, from party-elder&nbsp, diktat&nbsp, mostly via caucuses, to truly democratic primaries. Our grandfathers were middle-aged when what we just saw in the coup andnbsp was supposed to have been made impossible. Now we know better. We saw, and we know.

Most distressing, however, is the nature of the announcement: a post on X from an account widely known to not actually be controlled by the principal. The principal himself, the actual president of the United States, is nowhere to be seen. There is no justification for disapproval at this point, and yet it resembles a National Salvation Committee announcement that the General Secretary is ill at his dacha. The state wishes him good health, and perhaps he will return someday. &nbsp,

Coup Accountability

The Americans deserve better, but we must endure the dead collectivity that propositionalism and its mechanisms have consigned us to until we have a nation that once more understands its full potentials and can act toward the nature of nations and peoples. This means moving past this terminated presidency and refusing to accept the lulling falsehood of its endurance to January 2025. That does not just mean ending it; there are procedures for doing that, though their prudence is debatable; it also means putting an end to the power of those responsible for this coup. The Biden regime is no longer under attack, and neither is the man, who is both coming off a richly deserved footing. Elite conspiratorialism is one of the death knells of any free society, and I do not mean just believing in conspiracies, but actually developing and carrying out their execution. This is clearly my sentiment here. The&nbsp, coup&nbsp, plotters are protecting themselves now with rapid closing of ranks, and by advancing the candidacy of the vice president, a classic product of propositionalism, a woman from nowhere in particular so unmoored from the grounding and inheritance of American life that she must&nbsp, lie about youthful commonplaces. &nbsp,

With all the resources at its disposal, a regime opposition that is known for its name would concentrate on this. Legislative hearings, state attorneys-general inquiries, and ballot access are some of the tools at hand. This is, after all, a&nbsp, coup&nbsp, — and this is still America. &nbsp, The senator from Ohio agrees. Americans must now demand it. &nbsp,

Joshua S. Trevio is the Texas Public Policy Foundation’s Director of Texas Identity and the Chief of Intelligence and Research.

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