Senate Democrats in New York had been aware of an issue with their aging partner for some time, but they resisted speaking out about it or questioning a member of their own.
This man was a legend in the party, after all, people with a storied tradition who had earned the right to be and who had made it clear they were n’t going somewhere, possibly — at least not freely.
Besides, some lawmakers were not much younger themselves, and nudging off people whose age was showing may prompt nervous self-reflection. No party chief in Congress, including majority leader Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, wanted to be the first to launch a public campaign to oust a friend and ally even when the problems got so clear that they were impossible to ignore.
People of the aged room, who have watched some of their colleagues, including Biden, who served in the Senate for three decades, hold onto positions of power as they age, are familiar with the problem Democratic senators are currently facing regarding what to do about President Biden‘s teetering political strategy.
In the last years of their careers, they most recently experienced a likewise uncomfortable and painful encounter with former California Senator Dianne Feinstein.
Her situation was much more clear-cut than Biden’s, as it advanced, Ms. Feinstein began using a chair and, by all accounts, was evidently in the early stages of dementia, able to carry out normal responsibilities on her own. Although his fatal conversation performance attracted attention to what people around him described as more repeated lapses that raised questions about his mental acuity, his bodily strength, and whether he is away for the high-stakes task of defeating former President Donald Trump, Biden’s specific health status is unknown and he appears able to carry out many aspects of his job.

However, the dynamic that has so far prevented Schumer and his Democratic allies from publicly urging Biden to step down from the race is comparable to the one that has surrounded Feinstein’s case.
It is fueled by the factors that contributed to the development of the country’s aging political class, including a lack of resistance to incumbency and accumulated power, insider circles of staff who are personally and politically invested in keeping their aging bosses, and a sense of loyalty and legacy that frequently outweighs pragmatism.
All of that is, however, tempered by a concern among Democrats that failing to replace Biden could cost them the White House and both of Congress in this extreme situation. On Tuesday, when members of the House and the Senate both hold their weekly closed-door party meetings and lawmakers have the opportunity to conspire in person and be asked to answer questions from reporters, some Democratic staff members in both chambers anticipate the dam to break.
However, they added that they never underestimated a member’s capacity to get cold feet.
At least for the moment, many Democratic senators appear to be hoping that House members, five of whom have already publicly urged Biden to step down, will do so.
” They do n’t like to do that, it’s extremely rare”, Chris Whipple, a White House historian who wrote a book about the Biden presidency, said of senators publicly pushing out a colleague or party leader. ” As of now, they’re going to Biden with an argument that,’ We do n’t think you’re up to it,’ and he says,’ I know I’m up to it— and what’s more, all of these Democrats voted for me.’ He is more powerful than they are.
On Monday, Biden essentially called the bluff of Democrats in Congress who had quietly urged him to end his candidacy with a letter in which he said he was “firmly committed to staying in the race.” He did this in a hostile manner.
” If any of these guys do n’t think I should run, run against me”, Biden said not long afterward when he called in to MSNBC’s” Morning Joe” on Monday. ” Go ahead, announce for president. Challenge me at the convention”.
It reminded Feinstein of Feinstein’s defiance when questions surfaced about whether or not she should remain in the Senate. Despite being plagued by serious questions about whether she was fit to represent the 40 million residents of her state, Ms. Feinstein refused to engage in any discussions about stepping down before the end of her term.
” I continue to work and get results for California”, she said at the time.
And just like Biden is currently doing, Feinstein dared to speak out against her and urge her to step aside.
They never did.
Schumer backed up her choice to stay in the public eye.
Former Californian representative Nancy Pelosi vehemently refuted the demands for Ms. Feinstein to step down as a sexist and asserted that her legacy as a pioneering woman in politics had allowed her to have the right to do so as long as the electorate kept supporting her.
When Ms. Feinstein’s long-term absence from the Senate last year affected the business of the Judiciary Committee, Senator Richard J. Durbin, Democrat of Illinois and the chairman of the panel, went on television to deliver what was hardly a stern message to his ailing colleague. Durbin expressed hope that she will make a decision as to whether or not she will return.
Some Democratic senators have begun to make direct comments that Biden needs to at least think about standing aside.
On Monday, Senator Jon Tester, a vulnerable Democrat from Montana who is up for re-election, said Biden “has got to prove to the American people — including me — that he’s up to the job for another four years”.
Over the weekend, independent senators from Maine and Connecticut, as well as Colorado’s Senators Michael Bennet and Christopher S. Murphy, both made similar remarks.
Senator Peter Welch of Vermont has warned of a “fierce undertow” for Democratic House and Senate candidates if their party’s presidential candidate suffers a significant defeat in November.
Democrats have also spent months letting voters know that November will mark the election’s very beginning of democracy.
Still, in the 11 days since Biden’s disastrous debate performance, Senate Democrats have appeared to be consulting the same handbook they used last year with Ms. Feinstein. They have remained largely silent, even as they express concern that a dysfunctional House under Republican control may be threatened by the president’s feeble candidacy.
Whipple said the only thing that could change Biden’s defiant stance would be if the top Democrats in Congress, joined by his closest political confidants in both chambers, staged an intervention. If” a private delegation consisting of Chuck Schumer, Hakeem Jeffries, but probably also Jim Clyburn and Chris Coons, could somehow magically assemble”, Whipple said, “maybe he would listen”.
No results had been made as of Monday, and more Democrats were publicly swearing their allegiance to a president who has made it clear that they will not be easily pushed aside.
Nevada’s Senator Catherine Cortez Masto said in a statement on Monday that the president had “always had Nevadans ‘ backs,” whether it was protecting our personal freedoms, cutting costs, or lowering our own costs.