Donald Trump will quickly learn just how big the tent may be while governing, given that he was chosen by the largest democratic coalition of any Democratic presidential nominees in decades.
On the battle road, keeping for a cumbersome team together was a challenge enough. According to his Cabinet nominees and White House staff hires, Trump is now trying to represent these diverse groups in his leadership.
Trump’s option for minister of education, previous Small Business Administration key Linda McMahon, is as likely to conflict with teacher’s unions as Betsy DeVos, the conventional who held the work for almost all of Trump’s first name. Trump’s nominee for secretary of labor, Rep. Lori Chavez-DeRemer (R-OR ), has been celebrated by unions, though many of them,  , including the National Education Association, were cautious about her working for Trump.
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How former Rep. Tulsi Gabbard, a Democratic lawmaker from Hawaii not long before she was tapped to serve as director of national intelligence, works with Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL ), who Trump has selected for secretary of state, will be an interesting development. However, Trump first needs to confirm these various picks.
Republicans now have control of the Senate, which means no longer using the filibuster to nominate members of the Cabinet. But 53 GOP-held Senate seats still do n’t allow for many defections, even counting Vice President-elect J. D. Vance’s eventual tiebreaking vote, with Sens. Susan Collins (R-ME), Lisa Murkowski (R-AK), and Mitch McConnell (R-KY ) seen as wildcards in building out the Trump administration.
Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Trump’s Health and Human Services secretary, could conceivably bring together a left-right coalition against him. Liberals dislike his anti-vaccine views, and conservatives his record on abortion. Based on his position regarding the pharmaceutical industry, there are lawmakers from both camps who could support him or disagree with him.
In the race against Vice President Kamala Harris, Trump likely benefited from Kennedy and Gabbard’s endorsement. Joe Rogan‘s audience is full of the low-propensity voters Trump sought. The majority of GOP senators do n’t need those kinds of crossover votes because they can only win with Republican support in safe red states. When Trump’s term is up, many of them will still be in the Senate.  ,
Trump also won these secure red states. He carried South Dakota, the home state of both Sen. Mike Rounds (R-SD ), who has balked at possible concessions to Russia in a Ukraine peace deal, and incoming Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-SD ), with 63.4 % of the vote. Wyoming was Trump’s best state for the second straight election, with 72.3 %, which is why Liz Cheney is no longer in Congress.
Republicans ca n’t, however, win the election and become president if they only have safe red states and Texas and Florida remain in the polls. Despite Trump having all seven, the GOP candidates won only one of the seven battleground states. It remains to be seen how transferable Trump’s coalition is to other Republicans, especially those running on the pre-Trump platform.  ,
Political coalitions are n’t always ideologically coherent. From Barry Goldwater to Nelson Rockefeller to the left, Richard Nixon‘s 49-state landslide stretched Republicanally. Based on the breadth of the coalition she tried to form against Trump, Harris would have faced similar issues if she had been elected. A relatively recent development are the parties that are primarily based on ideology.
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However, the fact that former Florida Rep. Matt Gaetz was nominated for the position of attorney general does not appear to be in the next Congress. Gaetz is a more traditional conservative than some others on Trump’s list and a member of a Republican family.
The size of the tent before becoming a three-ring political circus will be up for debate.